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DOCUMENT by: Bob Hassenger
Subject: Mini-Lecture Part 2

Bellah et al. see religion as rather similar to political participation, at least so far as providing a base in which to be grounded. They seem to believe this at least in part by the frequency with which religious and civic memberships were mentioned by their interviewees, as the activities that brought meaning to their lives. (Reading obituaries is a good source for gauging what people, or at least their survivors, found most significant in their lives. Another good source is wedding announcements--although the happy couple typically have shorter histories from which to draw.) It is interesting to follow their argument about the privatization of American religion, along with other of society's institutions (For sociologists, an institution is not a building with a wall around it, but a patterned set of activities, essential to society, e.g., family, religion, education, polity, economy.) "Today, religion in American is as private and diverse as New England colonial religion was public and unified" (p. 220). The authors seem distinctly ambivalent about this change, at times (like Ehrenhalt) sounding a bit wistful about what has been "lost." Of course, one can argue that at least some of what has been lost is good riddance. Think of the Sunday mass at St. Nick's, with the priest mumbling in Latin , back to the congregation. One need not embrace guitars and dancing to entertain the notion that the more participatory Catholic service is more meaningful--and probably more like the celebrations of the early Christians--than mass at St. Nick's in the 1950's.


They seem especially impatient with the self-referential types of "belief system" (if they can be called that), epitomized for them by "Sheilaism." Religious commitment seems to preclude such unbridled selfish ness, yet some of those we celebrate among the historical leaders in organized religion (e.g., Jesus, Paul the Apostle, Mohommad, Buddha) seem to have had rather healthy egos. What are the constraints, here? If we're no longer burning people at the stake, has our "tolerance" for "whatever" gotten a little, uh, whacky (to use another technical term...)? How can one be sure s/he is preserving some balance, here?

Finally, what does religion seem to mean, to the authors? Why is it important, to individuals in society?

In Chapter Ten, Bellah et al. first sketch an overall vision of the public good, and then provide six examples of the way this is being pursued. A good crash course in American socio-political history would be useful here. If you have a chance, chase down one of the works in the Shared References, and tell us what you found.

When they write of "neocapitalism," keep in mind that this was written during the Reagan administration --although the G.W. Bush administration of the early 21st Century seems to share the same economic beliefs.

They conclude the chapter by referring to "the unresolved tension." What do they mean by this?

As this section of the course was being completed, I came upon a recent critique of the commutarian position shared by Bellah et al. and Putnam. See Richard Posner's "An Army of the Willing." in The New Republic of May 19, 2003. This may be of some help to you with reservations about the assumptions of Habits of the Heart.

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