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DOCUMENT by: Bob Hassenger
Subject: Mini-Lecture Part 2

In Part Three, Barber outlines his case for why "neither Jihad nor McWold promises a remotely democratic future" (p. 220). It is interesting that, early in Chapter 15, Barber seems to be making something of the same argument we entertained when reading The Lost City: a plethora of choices may actually restrict our freedom. Of course, he's arguing not about moral choices, but about self- (or "soul"-) actualization: we have more consumer choices, but we are so socialized that we don't recognize that what we're choosing about (i.e., "stuff), is not very freeing. Erich Fromm (see Shared References) once made the case that society teaches us "to want to act as we have to act." What do you think of this idea?

Barber interweaves economic and political with more socio-cultural arguments in the case he makes for democracy, against both Jihad and McWorld. The former are not our principal focus here--although it is difficult to understand Barber's argument without at least a broad sense of what he is driving at, if not understanding all the particulars, such as the political situations in various countries and regions (some of which have changed since he wrote). What is important to get is his argument that "Until McWorld finds a way to nurture citizens as successfully as it nurtures buyers and sellers, such aims (releasing people from the constraints of Jihad) will be systematically neglected..." (p. 223). This is what he terms "savage capitalism."

What does Barber mean by "Neither the politics of commodity nor the politics of resentment promise real liberty; the mixture of the two that emerges from the dialectical interplay of Jihad versus McWorld--call it the commodification of resentment--promises only a new if subtle slavery" (p. 224)?

Notice the reference to Putnam (Shared References) again on p. 233, and the return to a central theme of Bellah et al. This might be a good time to chase down something on Kuttner and Friedman, each of whom Barber refers to often. And Reich, referenced earlier, for his discussion of "symbolic analysts," whose expertise is not easily confined to one country or area.

By the end of Chapter 15, we are left thinking that neither Jihad nor McWorld is favorable to the fostering of democracy: the former because its focus is too parochial, defensive, and angry; the latter because its interests are profit and self-gratification. Or, does it seem so to you? (Discussion Area, please.)

Chapter 16 begins to further elaborate how, in Barber's view, McWorld is not capable of nourishing democracy. Capitalism produced democracy (p. 237), but "Markets simply are not designed to do the things democratic polities do" (p. 242). It's easy to get a little lost, here. "Democracies prefer markets but markets do not prefer democracies." Having created the conditions that make markets possible, democracy most also do all the things that markets undo or cannot do" (p. 243). I think we'd better ask each other for some help understanding Barber here (Discussion Area).

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